england-and-wales scotland
Yes in Britain
Discrimination in the provision of services is (with some exceptions) prohibited by the Equality Act 2010 if the discrimination is based on any of 9 "protected characteristics" which are:
- age
- disability
- gender reassignment
- marriage and civil partnership
- pregnancy and maternity
- race
- religion or belief
- sex
- sexual orientation
"Belief" is definied in the Act as
10(2) Belief means any religious or philosophical belief and a
reference to belief includes a reference to a lack of belief.
So it means a particular philosophical belief or a lack of a particular philosophical belief.
The legal test for what constitutes a philosophical belief for the purposes of the Act was set out in the case of Grainger v Nicholson
I shall endeavour to set out the limitations, or criteria, which are
to be implied or introduced by reference to the jurisprudence set out
above:
(i) The belief must be genuinely held.
(ii) It must be a belief and not, as in McClintock, an opinion or
viewpoint based on the present state of information available.
(iii) It must be a belief as to a weighty and substantial aspect of
human life and behaviour.
(iv) It must attain a certain level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion
and importance.
(v) It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society, be not
incompatible with human dignity and not conflict with the fundamental
rights of others
The last point was the subject of the appeal in the case of Forstater v CGD Europe and it was held that point (v) covers a very broad spectrum.
In our judgment, it is important that in applying Grainger V,
Tribunals bear in mind that it is only those beliefs that would be an
affront to Convention principles in a manner akin to that of pursuing
totalitarianism, or advocating Nazism, or espousing violence and
hatred in the gravest of forms, that should be capable of being not
worthy of respect in a democratic society. Beliefs that are
offensive, shocking or even disturbing to others, and which fall into
the less grave forms of hate speech would not be excluded from the
protection.
The above cases are in the employment context rather than in the case of provision of services but the same definition in the Equality Act 2010 applies to both. For costs-shifting reasons, employment claims are much more common than provision of service claims, and there are therefore more employment cases which reach an appeal court.
So, in general, debanking someone because they have some particular philosophical belief, or debanking someone because they do not have some particular philosohical belief, will give rise to civil liability in England and Wales and Scotland.
The legislation includes discrimination based on perception so if a bank perceives a customer to have, or to lack, a particular philosophical belief and debanks them for that reason, they also incur civil liability. It also covers discrimination based on association - i.e. debanking someone because they associate with, or are thought to associate with, third parties who have, or are perceived to have, or to lack, a particular philosophical belief (see For Women Scotland v Scottish Ministers at [249]).
Wokeness
Although "woke" is not a precise term, it is likely that most "woke" beliefs would be philosophical beliefs (as defined by the Grainger test) so that debanking someone because they have, or are perceived to have, a "woke" belief would be unlawful discrimination.
What happens more often in practice is that an institution debanks someone because they are perceived not to be "woke" in some respect and then the bank is commonly described as being "woke" for adopting that general approach. This would also be unlawful discrimination - discrimination based on the customer's lack of a particular philosophical belief as it is perceived to be based on their actions and/or public utterances.
Politics or the like
The question title refers to "politics or the like" and this raises the question of whether it is unlawful discrimination to debank someone merely because they belong to a particular political party.
It is reasonably clear that in the unlikely event that an institution debanked someone simply because they were a member of some middle-of-the road political party which is noted for nothing much in particular except perhaps opportunism (such as, some might say, the Liberal Democrat Party when led by Nick Clegg) they would not incur liability under the Equality Act 2010. But in practice that must be very rare.
When a instituation debanks a customer based on politics, in practice it will usually be because the institution has a "woke" approach of not tolerating anyone whose politics is perceived to be not "woke" in some particular respect. So the reason for the treatment will typically be because the customer does not have a certain philosophical belief or is perceived not to have a certain philosophical belief, or is believed to have a certain philosophical belief or associates with others who are so perceived. That perception could arise because of the words of the customer, their actions, and/or from their associations - for example because they belong to a particular party which is known for espousing a particular belief meeting the Grainger criteria.
One of the features of politics in Britain (and the USA and France and no doubt elsewhere) in recent years is a certain polarisation. There is a tendency for those whose political opinions are on the "Left" to characterise those on the "Right" as "Far Right" and a willingness for those on the Right to characterise those on the "Left" as crypto-Marxist. So I would opine that in the vast majority of cases of political or 'woke' debanking the unfavourable treatment is based on the perception that the debanked customer holds, or does not hold, a philosophical belief meeting the Grainger criteria (or associates with others meeting that description), and would therefore fall foul of the Equality Act 2010.
Note: The specific lawsuit filed by President Trump, the ABC News report of which prompted the question, appears to be based not on anti-discrimination laws as such but on a slightly different basis. The concept of wokeness referred to in the Complaint appears to be not so much that President Trump was discriminated against because he himself is not "woke" but rather that he was debanked because he is a Conservative and that to debank people based on their political affiliation is a "woke" thing for the bank to do, and this allegation of woke debanking action by the bank (which is alleged to be widespread and not limited to President Trump) supports the claim of a violation of the Florida Deceptive and Unfair Trade Practices Act and a breach of contract claim.