RIDER ON THE CLOUDS (rkb ʿrpt). An epithet that originally referred to Baal, the bringer of
rain and agricultural fertility. Applied to Yahweh throughout the Old Testament.
Introduction
The biblical expression “( רכב בערבותrkb b'rbwt)” (Psa 68:4), in reference to Yahweh, may
reflect the original Ugaritic epithet. The translation of this Hebrew phrase differs between:
• “Rider on the clouds” (NIV, JPS)
• “Rider through the desert” (ESV, ASV)
This difference depends on the extent to which the biblical expression is thought to reflect the
Ugaritic epithet. It is unclear whether the biblical phrase ( רכב בערבותrkb b'rbwt) is
cognate with the Ugaritic rkb ʿrpt, or whether it is a deliberate modification of the Ugaritic
phrase for theological reasons.
Some functions of Baal, as connoted by the Ugaritic epithet, are attributed to Yahweh in
various other parts of the Old Testament as well. For example, Old Testament writers depict
Yahweh as a storm deity who brings agricultural fertility and as a divine warrior who fights for
His covenant people. The epithet “Rider on the clouds” may also be applicable to Jesus, who is
expected to come again on the clouds of heaven with power and glory.
The Ugaritic Epithet “Rider on the Clouds”
The Ugaritic phrase “Rider on the clouds” (rkb ʿrpt) occurs 15 times in the Ugaritic corpus,
mostly in mythological texts (Rahmouni, Divine Epithets in the Ugaritic Alphabetic Texts, 290).
It directly refers to Baal’s role as the bringer of rain (Pardee, “Baʿlu,” 248; Kapelrud, Baal in the
Ras Shamra Texts, 61–62). In the Aqhatu story, for instance, Danīʾîlu invokes Baal as “Rider on
the clouds” in his prayer to end the drought that the premature death of Aqhatu has caused.
Although the epithet is primarily associated with Baal as a storm deity, it often occurs in the
context emphasizing Baal’s role as a warrior. For example, in the fourth column of the Baal
tablet that describes the battle between Baal and Yam (KTU 1.2 IV), the craftsman deity Kothar-
and-Hasis invokes the epithet “Rider on the clouds” (rkb ʿrpt) when he encourages Baal to
destroy Yam. Loewenstamm argues that the Ugaritic phrase rkb ʿrpt may be rendered two ways
(Loewenstamm, Grenzgebiete ugaritischer Sprach—und Stilvergleichung, 100):
1.“Gatherer of the clouds (Wolkensammler),” which underscores Baal’s role as the bringer of
rain. This translation also recalls the Homeric epithet νεφεληγερέτης (nephelēgeretēs), which
is given to Zeus.
2. “Rider of the clouds (Wolkenreiter),” which may refer to Baal as driving his chariot of clouds
to fight. This translation recalls biblical modifications referring to Yahweh as divine warrior.
Ancient Near Eastern Backgrounds
Ancient Near Eastern gods—especially weather gods—are often depicted as riding on various
vehicles, including clouds. A seal from the Akkadian period (circa 2360–2180 BC) depicts the
weather god mounted in a four-wheeled chariot drawn by a lion-griffin, on which stands a
UKTU Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit
goddess holding bundles of rain (Pritchard, ANEP, 332). Although this Akkadian seal does not
make it clear whether the deity riding on a chariot is on his way to a battlefield or distributing
rain, several textual evidences link the motif of “Rider on the clouds” to war activity:
•A Sumerian hymn to Ishkur (Semitic Adad) portrays the deity riding the storm to go to war
against the enemy land: “Ishkur … Let the seven winds be harnessed for you like a team,
harness the winds before you … My young one. Go, go joyfully … to the rebellious land …
rain down on it your small stones” (Pritchard, ANET, 578).
•The Creation Epic reports Marduk mounting the storm-chariot to fight against Tiamat: “He
mounted the storm-chariot irresistible [and] terrifying. He harnessed (and) yoked to it a team-
of-four … The Lord went fourth … Towards the raging Tiamat he set his face” (Pritchard,
ANET, 66).
•A Hurrian Kumarbi myth, the storm-god fights by means of rain, winds, clouds, and carts
(Weinfeld, “Rider of the Clouds,” 424).
These textual samples show that the image of divine cloud-rider is often associated with war
activity. However, because the primary weapons the deity uses are natural elements such as
lightening, storms, and rain, it is still possible that the warrior role is secondary to the role of
bringer of rain.
Biblical Relevance: Old Testament
The biblical expression ( רכב בערבותrkb b'rbwt) in Psa 68:4 most closely resembles the
Ugaritic epithet “Rider on the clouds.” In fact, it is often thought that the biblical expression
draws from the Ugaritic epithet, leading to its common translation of “Rider on the clouds.”
Several suggestions have been made to make the two parallel each other. Some have proposed
that '( ערבותrbwt, “wilderness”) should be amended to '( ערפותrpwt, “clouds”; Ugaritic
’rpt) or '( עבותbwt, “thick clouds”; compare Isa 19:1). Others understand '( ערבותrbwt) as a
variant form of '( ערפותrpwt) on the basis of a nonphonemic b/p interchange in Semitics
(Cooper, “Divine Names and Epithets,” 49). This understanding seems to be supported by a
similar expression in Psa 68:33, which refers to Yahweh as “Rider in the ancient heavens” (
ם,קֶדד
מ־י־ ֶד
מ־י שש יֵמ
כב ב בשש יֵמ
ל לרר יֵמ, larokhev bishmey shemei-qedem).
However, the biblical expression could be a deliberate modification of the Ugaritic epithet
originally given to Baal. In fact, the word “wilderness” makes good sense in the context of the
psalm, as Psa 68:7–9 describes how Yahweh brought Israel out of Egypt and led them through
the wilderness into the land of agricultural fertility. This may suggest that, while the biblical
writer attributed the two roles (warrior and rain-bringer) connoted by the Ugaritic epithet to
Yahweh, he also wanted to modify the epithet to make it fit the new context—to refer to Yahweh
leading His people during their wanderings in the wilderness (compare Emerton, “What Light
Has Ugaritic Shed on Hebrew?” 67).
Although Psa 68:4 is the only biblical text to present a possible cognate to the Ugaritic
“Rider on the clouds” (rkb ʿrpt), several other passages contain similar concepts; for example,
various parts of the Bible depict Yahweh, a divine warrior, coming on the clouds to fight on
PANEP The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament
TANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament
TANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament
behalf of His people (Mowinckel, “Drive and/or Ride in O.T.,” 296):
• Second Samuel 22:11 describes Yahweh “riding on the cherub” to help His people (compare
Psa 18:11; Deut 33:26).
• Isaiah 19:1 portrays Yahweh riding on a swift chariot and coming to Egypt as a judge
(compare Jer 4:8).
• Hosea 3:5 depicts Yahweh’s campaign against the enemies of His people in terms reminiscent
of the conflict with chaos in Semitic mythology.
• Psalm 104:4 and Hos 3:5 depict Yahweh as a warrior in His chariot, riding against the enemy
(compare Psa 104:4).
Furthermore, just as ancient Near Eastern storm deities often used natural elements as weapons,
Yahweh defended His people using lightening, dark clouds, winds, and rain as weapons (2 Sam
22:12–15; Psa 18:12–14). This borrowing of the concept connoted by Baal’s title “Rider on the
cloud” may serve a polemical purpose in demonstrating that Yahweh, not Baal, is the controller
of natural elements. He does so not only for agricultural fertility, but also for the salvation of His
people (compare Psa 29).
Biblical Relevance: New Testament
Daniel 7:13 presents the picture of “one like a son of man” coming “on” the clouds into the
presence of the Ancient of Days. It has been argued that the use of the preposition ם־,ע ( בim-)
with “the clouds” denies the connection of the image of divine cloud-rider to the son of man.
However, the preposition does interchange with other prepositions in the book of Daniel (Scott,
“Behold, He Cometh with Clouds,” 128) so it is possible to render the preposition as “on.”
Furthermore, to say that God comes “with” His clouds is not that far removed from the motif of
divine cloud-rider. Considering that the act of coming on or with clouds suggests a theophany of
Yahweh, the son of man figure in Dan 7:13 must be divine, although he is subordinate to the
Ancient of Days (Collins, Daniel, 289). This seems to be elucidated by frequent allusions made
to Dan 7:13 in the New Testament passages where the Son of Man, Jesus, is expected to come
again on the clouds at the eschaton (Matt 24:30; 26:64; Luke 21:27; Rev 1:7; 14:14–16).
Longman argues that those New Testament passages mostly occur in the Holy War context
where the divine warrior battles and nature languishes on a cosmic level. For instance, Matt
24:29, which cites Isa 13:10 (a divine warrior passage) describes how the cosmic bodies
convulse; in Matt 24:30, the divine warrior appears in heaven on the clouds, which certainly
describes the war chariot (Longman, “The Divine Warrior,” 298). The divine cloud-rider there is
identified as the son of man (compare Matt 26:64; Luke 21:27), which is strongly reminiscent of
the divine “son of man” figure in Dan 7:13.
The high priest Caiaphas must have perceived that Jesus was referring to Himself as the “Son
of Man,” which strongly recalls the son of man figure in Dan 7. Caiaphas—well aware of the
tradition in Daniel—wouldn’t have failed to catch Jesus’ reference to being the Son of Man who
will come on the clouds. The Son of Man in Matt 26:64 is no doubt the divine Messiah
subordinate to “Power,” just as the Son of Man figure in Dan 7 is fully divine—a cloud-rider—
though subordinate to the Ancient of Days.
The image of cloud-rider as a divine judge is more evident in Rev 14:4–6, where the Son of
Man descends on the clouds with a sickle in His hand. When He swings His sickle across the
earth, the earth is reaped. The harvest image is a metaphor for the ultimate battle of the divine
warrior against nations. This New Testament image of Jesus’ coming on the clouds as warrior-
judge reflects the Old Testament image of Yahweh as rider on the clouds.
Bibliography
Collins, John J. Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress
Press, 1993.
Cooper, Alan. “Divine Names and Epithets in the Ugaritic Texts.” Pages 334–500 in Ras Shamra
Parallels: The Texts from Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible 3. Edited by Stan Rummel. Roma:
Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1981.
Emerton, J.A. “What Light Has Ugaritic Shed on Hebrew?” Pages 53–69 in Ugarit and the
Bible. Edited by George J. Brooke, Adrian H.W. Curtis, and John F. Healey. Münster: Ugarit-
Verlag, 1994.
Kapelrud, Arvid S. Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts. Copenhagen: G.E.C. Gad, 1952.
Loewenstamm, S.E. “Grenzgebiete ugaritischer Sprach—und Stilvergleichung: Hebraisch des
Zweiten Tempels, Mittelhebraisch, Griechisch.” Ugarit-Forschugen 3 (1971): 93–100.
Longman, Tremper, III. “The Divine Warrior: The New Testament use of an Old Testament
Motif.” Westminster Theological Journal 44 (1982): 291–308.
Moran, W.L. “Some Remarks on the Song of Moses.” Biblica 43 (1962): 317–27.
Mowinckel, Sigmund. “Drive andor Ride in O.T.” Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 278–99.
Pardee, Dennis. “The Baʿlu Myth.” Pages 237–83 in Context of Scripture 1. Edited by William
W. Hallo. Leiden: Brill, 1997.
Pritchard, James B., ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1955.
———. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1969.
Rahmouni, Aicha. Divine Eithets in the Ugaritic Alphabetic Texts. Handbuch der Orientalistik.
Leiden: Brill, 2008.
Scott, R.B.Y. “Behold, He Cometh with Clouds.” New Testament Studies 5 (1959): 127–32.
Weinfeld, Moshe. “ ‘Rider of the Clouds’ and ‘Gatherer of the Clouds.’ ” Journal of Ancient
Near Eastern Studies 5 (1973): 422–26.
KOOWON KIM1
JEPHTHAH THE JUDGE (ח,ת יפ ש ל, yiphthach). Summoned by the elders of Gilead to lead a
battle against the Ammonites. Jephthah responded on the condition that he would rule over
Gilead after his victorious return. Jephthah successfully routed the Ammonites and ruled over
Gilead for six years. He sacrificed his only daughter because of a vow he made before going to
battle.
Historical Background
Jephthah was probably active no later than the early eleventh century BC (Provan, et al., The
Biblical History of Israel, 335n10; Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament, 210),
assuming that Jephthah’s judgeship overlaps with that of Samson. Jephthah also testifies that 300
1 Koowon Kim, “Rider on the Clouds,” ed. John D. Barry et al., The Lexham Bible Dictionary
(Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).
years had passed since Israel conquered the contested area between Jabbok and Arnon (Judg
11:26). Although Vaux and Aharoni place Jephthah very early in the period of the judges, the
eleventh century date fits well with the canonical order of the book of Judges (Vaux, History of
Israel, 821; Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, 265).
In the early eleventh century BC, the Ammonites expanded westward into the land of Gilead
and crossed Jordan, raiding the territories of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Judg 10:9). The
Ammonite kingdom rose to power due to Moab’s decline and the recent blow dealt by Gideon
and his army to the Midianite tribes. The Ammonite kingdom’s strategic position—commanding
a section of King’s highway and a route running across the Jordan River into western Palestine—
gave Ammon political power and economic prosperity (Malamat, History of Biblical Israel,
135). Jephthah was called to deliver Israel from this rule.
Jephthah as a Bandit Leader
According to Judges 11:1–3, Jephthah’s mother was a nameless prostitute. His father’s name,
Gilead, was synonymous with Gad and used as a tribal name during the period of the judges
(Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, 289). Since his legitimate half-brothers did not want to share
their father’s inheritance, Jephthah sought refuge in the land of Tob. There, he rounded up a band
of outcasts and raided villages. Since Tob—modern et-Tayibeh, southeast of Edrei (Simons, the
Geographical and Topographical Text, 91)—appears in the toponym list of Tuthmosis III and the
Amarna Letters, “the men of low character” (ם,ק־י ר־י ב
ם יֵמ,אנ לשבש־י
א, anashim reiqim) may refer to
Habiru, a group of wandering people who were active in Syria-Palestine in middle and late
bronze ages. Jephthah’s command of this band gave him bargaining power concerning his future
role in Gilead (Judg 11:6–10).
Jephthah as a Deliverer
The elders of Gilead turned to Jephthah when the Ammonites prepared to attack Gilead. Jephthah
declined the initial offer to become the “commander” (צ־יןק ב
ל, qatsin) of Gilead—a leadership
role limited to the duration of the war. Jephthah’s words of rejection, “Did you not hate me and
drive me out of my father’s house? Why have you come to me now when you are in distress?”
(Judg 11:7) echo God’s rebuffing of Israel: “You have abandoned me and worshiped other gods”
(Judg 10:13). Jephthah consented only when the elders offered a permanent headship (רראשש,
rosh) over the inhabitants of Gilead (Judg 11:8–10).
After failed efforts to negotiate with the Ammonite king (Judg 11:12–28), Jephthah attacked.
He recruited Israelite troops from the tribes of Gad and Manasseh, but his appeal to the
Ephraimites went unheeded (Judg 12:2–3). Jephthah’s army marched out to attack the
Ammonites and routed them completely.
Jephthah is victorious against the Ammonites: “Then the spirit of the Lord came upon
Jephthah, and he passed through Gilead and Manasseh and passed on to Mizpah of Gilead, and
from Mizpah of Gilead he passed on to the Ammonites.… So Jephthah crossed over to the
Ammonites to fight against them, and the Lord gave them into his hands. He struck them down
from Aroer to the neighborhood of Minnith, twenty cities, and as far as Abel-cheramim with a
great blow. So the Ammonites were subdued before the people of Israel” (Judg 11:29, 31–33).
Judges 11:33 lists three Ammonite towns Jephthah defeated: Aroer, Minnith, and Abel-
cheramim. The text does not indicate the direction of Jephthah’s advance, but the cities are
generally placed in the district to the west of Rabbath-Ammon. Aroer was near the capital city of
the Ammonites (compare Josh 13:25). Minnith and Abel-cheramim are south of Aroer; both are
identified by Eusebius as located four Roman miles and seven Roman miles from Rabbath-
Ammon, respectively (MacDonald, East of the Jordan, 167). These three cities refer to the
border forts that the Ammonites built for the defense of the Ammonite heartland. German
archaeologists have discovered the chain of border fortresses that would have formed the border
between the Ammonites and the Israelite tribes (Malamat, History of Biblical Israel, 136–37;
MacDonald, East of the Jordan, 162).
Unlike David, Jephthah failed to break through to the Ammonite capital to gain a decisive
victory over the Ammonites. However, his campaign was conducted under divine auspice (Judg
11:29, 32) and his victory was a divine answer to the Israelites’ cry for help (Judg 10:15–16). The
prophet Samuel mentioned Jephthah as one of four deliverers of Israel (1 Sam 12:11), and the
author of Hebrews describes Jephthah as one “who through faith conquered kingdoms, enforced
justice, obtained promises … became mighty in war, put foreign armies to flight” (Heb 11:32–
34). Jephthah’s victory is marred by the two subsequent episodes.
Jephthah’s Vow (Judges 11:30–31, 34–40)
Before he marched out to attack the Ammonites, Jephthah vowed: “If you will give the
Ammonites into my hand, then whatever comes out from the doors of my house to meet me
when I return in peace from the Ammonites shall be the Lord’s, and I will offer it up for a burnt
offering” (Judg 11:31 ESV). Jephthah’s only daughter welcomed him home. Judges 11:40 states
that Jephthah “did according to his vow he made” (Judg 11:40). The words of the text are
ambiguous as to precisely what Jephthah did to his daughter. He may have killed her to offer her
up as a burnt offering. It is also possible that he dedicated her to a life of virginity or celibacy, as
medieval Jewish commentator David Kimh ḥi argued. Medieval nuns vowing their lives to
celibate service to God regarded Jephthah’s daughter as their role model.
Parallels between this story and popular lore have caused the historicity of this episode to be
doubted. For example, in the Greek legend of Idomeneus, king of Crete, Idomeneus vowed to
Poseidon that he would sacrifice to him whomever he would meet first when he landed safely on
his native shores. This turned out to be his own son (Gaster, Myth, Legend, and Custom, 430).
Because of these similarities, this episode is generally taken as etiological. It could have been
derived to explain the ancient custom of Israelite women lamenting the virgin daughter of
Jephthah for four days every year, or the primitive custom of annually bewailing the dead or
ousted spirit of fertility during winter season.
Jephthah may have also made his vow in honor of Milkom worship, who was an Ammonite
god that the Israelites were worshiping at the time (Judg 11:10–11). Jephthah may have been
blending his religious views about Yahweh with Ammonite religious views about Milkom.
Ammonite Milkom worship involved human sacrifice. It is highly unlikely, though, that Jephthah
anticipated this resulting in the human sacrifice of his daughter.
Conflict with the Ephraimites (Judg 12:1–6)
The Ephraimites, who were left out of the war against the Ammonites, went to Zaphon (Tell es-
Sa’idiyeh) to fight against Jephthah, but were routed and put to flight by the Gileadites. 42,000
men of Ephraim are said to have died in this war (Judg 12:6). This example of intertribal war
underscores Israel’s inability to remain united as one covenant people under judgeship. The book
of Judges registers several similar conflicts climaxing in the war against the Benjaminites in
Gibeah (Judg 20–21).
Jephthah’s vow, along with his massacre of the Ephraimites, paints a negative portrait of
Jephthah’s relationship to the God of Israel. According to Trible, Jephthah did not have to make a
vow to enlist divine help, because he was already possessed by “the Spirit of the Lord” (Trible,
“The Daughter of Jephthah,” 96). That Jephthah needed extra assurance shows his lack of faith.
Exum argues that if he had promised, for instance, to set up an altar when he returned in victory,
the vow would have been less problematic (Exum, “Tragic Vision,” 50). She regards Jephthah’s
offer of a human victim as symptomatic of the dubious nature of his religion. Olson argues that
vow making is not always benign and contends that Jephthah wrongly uses the vow “as a bribe
or leverage to influence the divine judge in the context of a court case” (Olson, “Judges,” 832).
Etymology
The name “Jephthah” (ח,ת יפ ש ל, yiphthach; “may He open”) expresses the wish that God may
open his hands in. (compare Psa 104:28; Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 200). He may
have been given the name by his prostitute mother. The name may also serve as a literary
function—the climax of the tale is when Jephthah opens his mouth to speak the irrevocable vow.
In the final scene (Judg 12:1–6), 42,000 of the Ephraimites were slaughtered when they opened
their mouth to utter “shibboleth” (Olson, Judges, 821).
Bibliography
Aharoni, Yohanan. The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography. Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1979.
de Vaux, Roland. The Early History of Israel. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978.
Exum, J. Cheryl, ed. “The Tragic Vision and Biblical Narrative: The Case of Jephthah.” Pages
59–83 in Sings and Wonders: Biblical Texts in Literary Focus. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989.
Gaster, Theodor H. Myth, Legend, and Custom in the Old Testament: A Comparative Study with
Chapters from Sir James G. Frazer’s Folklore in the Old Testament. Vol. 2. Gloucester,
Mass.: Peter Smith, 1981.
Kitchen, Kenneth A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003.
Malamat, Abraham. History of Biblical Israel: Major Problems and Minor Issues. Leiden: Brill,
2001.
Miller, J. Maxwell, and John H. Hayes. A History of Ancient Israel and Judah. Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1986.
Provan, Iain W., V. Philips Long, and Tremper Longman III. A Biblical History of Israel.
Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2003.
Olson, Dennis T. “The Book of Judges: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections.” Pages 827–
39 in vol. 2 of The New Interpreter’s Bible. Nashville: Abingdon, 1998.
MacDonald, Burton. East of the Jordan: Territories and Sites of the Hebrew Scripture. Boston:
American Schools of Oriental Research, 2000.
Simons, J. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament: A Concise
Commentary in XXXII Chapters. Leiden: Brill, 1959.
Trible, Phyllis, ed. “The Daughter of Jephthah: An Inhuman Sacrifice.” Pages 93–116 in Texts of
Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984.
KOOWON KIM 2
2 Koowon Kim, “Jephthah the Judge,” ed. John D. Barry et al., The Lexham Bible Dictionary
(Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).
HIRAM, KING OF TYRE (ם,ר ה־י ל
ב, hiram). King who ruled in the 10th century BC (969–936),
established Tyre as the most important port city in the Mediterranean, and maintained friendly
contacts with Israel. Delivered timber and sent skilled workers to build the temple in Jerusalem
and the royal palaces of David and Solomon. Made a commercial alliance with Solomon to start
a joint trading venture to Ophir.
Introduction
The city of Tyre came to prominence around the 10th century BC, coinciding with Hiram’s reign.
It was considered a satellite port of Sidon before rising to a dominant position in Phoenicia.
Under Hiram, Tyre became the most important port city in the Mediterranean (Aubet, The
Phoenicians and the West, 31). Tyre’s emergence may be attributed to Hiram’s maritime
commercial ventures abroad. A large quantity of Phoenician pottery found in Kommos (along
Crete’s southern coast), dating as early as the mid-10th century BC, bears witness to Hiram’s
efforts at long-distance maritime trade (Markoe, Phoenicians, 32–33). Among such efforts were
a series of maritime expeditions undertaken with King Solomon to Ophir, the land of gold (1 Kgs
9:27–28; 2 Chr 8:18).
Hiram the king of Tyre is separate from Hiram the Tyrian craftsman, mentioned in 1 Kgs
7:13–47; 2 Chr 2:13–16; 4:11–17.
Sources
Biblical traditions, including Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, along with the writings of Flavius
Josephus provide the main sources for Hiram and his kingdom. Josephus recorded that a great
amount of economic documents, correspondence, and other texts were once kept in the archives
of Phoenicia (Against Apion 1.107). Katzenstein believes that Josephus’ work is trustworthy, for
it draws on the annals of Tyrian kings, albeit indirectly through Dius and Menander (Katzenstein,
The History of Tyre, 80). Material evidence discovered in S ḥur (Tyre) may also shed light on
Hiram and Tyre but provides little evidence about political history.
Hiram’s involvement with the building of David’s palace has been the subject of scholarly
debate. If Hiram participated in the building of David’s palace (2 Sam 5:11; compare 1 Chr 14:1)
and also participated in the building of the temple (1 Kgs 5), the length of his reign would be
close to half a century. According to Josephus, Hiram ruled only 34 years—from 969–936 BC.
Green argues that the biblical evidence should be trusted more than Josephus (Green, “David’s
Relations with Hiram,” 387–91; compare Katzenstein, The History of Tyre, 78).
Biblical Relevance
Hiram’s alliance with Israel dates to the early years of David’s reign. According to 2 Sam 5:11
(compare 1 Chr 14:1), Hiram sent a delegation with gifts—cedar trees, masons, and carpenters
for the building of Davidic palace—to David, who had recently established the city of Jerusalem
as the national capital. Since David’s kingdom controlled Tyre’s inland commercial routes, it was
in Hiram’s best interest to maintain a friendly relationship. It was probably with the intention of
perpetuating this relationship that Hiram sent an embassy to greet Solomon shortly after his
accession to the throne (1 Kgs 5:1; compare Markoe, Phoenicians, 34).
Two episodes of the economic cooperation between Hiram and Solomon can be found in the
Bible. In 1 Kgs 5, Solomon—intending to build the temple of Yahweh—asked Hiram to provide
timber of cedar and cypress and to send workers skilled in metals, fabrics, and engravings (1 Kgs
5:6, 10; 2 Chr 2:13). Solomon may have been impressed by the temples of Melqart and Astarte in
Tyre, recently rebuilt by Hiram (Katzenstein, The History of Tyre, 127). Hiram agreed, but
responded with the condition: “And you shall meet my wishes by providing food for my
household” (1 Kgs 5:9 ESV). He wanted Solomon to reciprocate with an annual gift of a
considerable amount of wheat, barley, wine, and oil (1 Kgs 5:11; 2 Chr 2:10). This request
suggests that Tyre depended on imported agricultural produce to meet its food demands
(Klengel, Syria, 204). In the ninth and eighth centuries BC, Tyre continued to import agricultural
produce from Israel in exchange for luxury goods and metal articles, which have been found
mostly in Samaria, Megiddo, and Hazor (Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West, 48).
First Kings 9:11 suggests that Solomon was not able to fulfill his part of the agreement: “and
Hiram king of Tyre had supplied Solomon with cedar and cypress timber … King Solomon gave
to Hiram 20 cities in the land of Galilee” (ESV). Brueggemann speculates that Solomon was
paying a trade debt by giving the 20 cities to Hiram (Brueggemann, 1 & 2 Kings, 123). When
Hiram inspected the cities that Solomon had given him, he was dissatisfied and called them “the
land of Cabul” (1 Kgs 9:12–13). According to Josephus, “Cabul” is related to Phoenician
Chabalon, meaning “not pleasing.” No modern consensus has been reached about the meaning
of “Cabul.” As the region ceded to Hiram was a production center for grain and olives in
antiquity, it is likely that Solomon’s offer would have been attractive to the Tyrian king, who
could eliminate his dependence upon agricultural imports by acquiring this fertile land (Markoe,
Phoenicians, 34). It is not clear why Hiram did not like the land yet paid 120 talents of gold for
it. According to the chronicler, it was Hiram, not Solomon, who gave up the cities (2 Chr 8:2).
In First Kings 9:26, Solomon and Hiram entered into a joint maritime expedition to Ophir
aboard the ships of Tarshish. Solomon provided a port to Ophir and a fleet of ships built at
Ezion-Geber; Hiram provided competent Phoenician sailors and his own fleet of ships (1 Kgs
9:26–27). Ophir may have been located along the northeastern coast of Africa, in the general area
of Sudan or Somalia. It is the same place as Punt, where Hatshepsut acquired gold for Egypt
(Katzenstein, The History of Tyre, 109). The large oceangoing ships are called “ships of
Tarshish” (1 Kgs 10:22, 29) in the sense of “ships that could go to Tarshish,” although there is
much disagreement on the location of Tarshish (see Peckham, “Israel and Phoenicia,” 235). Their
ships brought back precious stones, exotic trees, and animals (1 Kgs 9:28; 2 Chr 8:18, 9:10, 21).
This profitable maritime trade could not have been possible without the support of Queen of
Sheba, whose visit is recorded in 1 Kgs 10. Her visit may be interpreted as a trade mission. The
commercial alliance between Solomon and Sheba was also beneficial to Tyre (Klengel, Syria,
203).
Etymology
“Hiram” (ם,רה־י ל
ב, hiram) is a shortened form of the common Phoenician name “Ahiram,” or
more accurately “Ahirom,” which means “My brother is exalted” (the vocalic shift between a
and o has to do with a linguistic phenomenon known as a “Canaanite shift”). This name is found
in many records:
•The 10th-century king of Byblos (biblical Gebal), whose sarcophagus shows a high level of
Phoenician workmanship, is known by that name.
• Tiglath-pileser III’s inscription lists “Hirum” as one of the subjugated kings who brought
tributes to him. This “Hirum” may have been the “Hirom” that the eighth-century governor
of Carthage referred to as the “king of Sidonians” in one of the Phoenician inscriptions found
in Cyprus (KAI 31).
• In Numbers 26:38, “Ahiram” is listed as one of the descendants of Benjamin.
Variant spellings of Hiram’s name are attested to in the Old Testament:
• Hirom (ם,ה־ירור
ב, hirom, compare 1 Kgs 5:10 [5:24] and 5:18 [5:32])
הו ב ל, huram, compare 2 Chr 2:3 [2:2])
• Huram (ם,ר
• Huram-abi (ב־י
א ב הו ב ל, hurom-aviy, compare 2 Chr 2:13 [2:12]).
רמ־ ל
Bibliography
Aharoni, Yohanan. The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography. Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1979.
Aubet, María E. The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2001.
Brueggemann, Walter. 1 & 2 Kings: A Commentary. Macon, Ga.: Smyth & Helways Publishing,
2000.
Dillard, Raymond B. 2 Chronicles. World Biblical Commentary 15. Waco, Tex.: Word Books,
1987.
Green, Alberto R. “David’s Relations with Hiram: Biblical and Josephan Evidence for Tyrian
Chronology.” Pages 373–91 in The Word Shall Go Forth. Edited by Carol L. Mevers and M.
O’Conner. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1983.
Katsenstein, H. Jacob. The History of Tyre: From the Beginning of the Second Millenium B.C.E.
until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 539 B.C.E. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev Press, 1997.
Klengel, Horst. Syria, 3000–300 B.C.: A Handbook of Political History. Berlin: Akademie
Verlag, 1992.
Markoe, Glenn. Phoenicians. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000.
Miller, J. Maxwell, and John H. Hayes. A History of Ancient Israel and Judah. Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1986.
Merrill, Eugene H. Kingdom of Priests: A History of Old Testament Israel. Grand Rapids: Baker
Academic, 2008.
Peckham, Brian. “Israel and Phoenicia.” Pages 225–48 in The Mighty Acts of God. Edited by
F.M. Cross, et al. New York: Doubleday & Company, 1976.
KOOWON KIM
HIRAM THE ARTISAN (ם,ר ה־י ל
ב, hiram). A skilled craftsman and metalworker from Tyre.
Assisted in building the Solomonic temple. Responsible for the decoration of the temple and the
pillars Jachin and Boaz (1 Kgs 7:13–47).
The accounts of the temple building in 1 Kings and 2 Chronicles vary, making full
identification of Hiram the Artisan and his role in the building difficult. The differences affect the
identification of Hiram in three ways:
1. The individual responsible for bringing him to work on the temple
a. First Kings 7:13 indicates that Solomon brought Hiram
b. Second Chronicles 2:13 indicates that Hiram, king of Tyre sent Hiram.
2. The extent to which he was responsible for decorating the temple
a. First Kings 7:14 indicates that Hiram was a bronze-smith
b. Second Chronicles 2:14 portrays Hiram as a versatile artisan skillful in extensive
craftwork
3. The tribal identity of his mother
a. First Kings 7:14 indicates that his mother was from the tribe of Naphtali
b. Second Chronicles 2:14 indicates that she was from the tribe of Dan.
While Hiram’s father was Tyrian, the tribe of his mother, a widow, is debated. If Hiram’s
mother is from the tribe of Dan, his parentage shows a close relationship between the Tyrians and
Danites. Katzenstein argues that this relationship is demonstrated by the Danites having worked
as “seasonal workers” in the ports of Tyre and Sidon (Katzenstein, The History of Tyre, 66–67).
Dillard argues that if Hiram’s mother was from the tribe of Naphtali, the Chronicler may have
intentionally changed his mother’s descent to compare Hiram to another Danite craftsman,
Oholiab, who was responsible for the equipping of the tabernacle (Dillard, 2 Chronicles, 20).
This may be the reason why the Chronicler refers to Hiram as “Huram-abim,” which makes
Hiram’s connection to Oholiab more explicit. However, the element “–abi” could simply mean
“Master,” so Huram-abi, “Master Huram” (compare 2 Chr 2:13 NEB).
Bibliography
Dillard, Raymond B. 2 Chronicles. World Biblical Commentary 15. Waco, Tex.: Word, 1987.
Katsenstein, H. Jacob. The History of Tyre: From the Beginning of the Second Millenium B.C.E.
until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 539 B.C.E. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev Press, 1997.
Merrill, Eugene H. Kingdom of Priests: A History of Old Testament Israel. Grand Rapids: Baker
Academic, 2008.
KOOWON KIM3
3 Koowon Kim, “Hiram the Artisan,” ed. John D. Barry et al., The Lexham Bible Dictionary
(Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).
