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Rapid Support Forces

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Rapid Support Forces
قوات الدعم السريع
CommanderMuhammad Hamdan Dagalo Musa (Hemedti)
Deputy headAbdul Rahim Dagalo[1]
East Darfur commanderAbdul Rahman Jumma
SpokespersonYousif Ibrahim Ismaeil (2021–2024)
FoundationAugust 2013
AllegianceGovernment of Sudan (2013–2023)
Government of Peace and Unity (2025–present)
IdeologyBaggara interests[2]
Arab nationalism
Arab supremacy[3]
Anti-Islamism[4]
Notable attacks
Size100,000 (2023)[5] to 150,000[6]
Part ofNational Intelligence and Security Service and Sudanese Armed Forces (until 2023)
AlliesState allies:
Sudan (before 2023)
United Arab Emirates (alleged)[7][8][9]
Chad[10][11]
Israel (alleged)[12]
Non-state allies:
Wagner Group (until early 2024)[13][14][15]
Libyan National Army (denied)[16][17]
Tamazuj[18]
Non RSF Janjaweed
SPLM-N (al-Hilu) (since 2025)[19]
Puntland (alleged)[20][21]
OpponentsState opponents:
Sudan (SAF; after 2023)
Egypt[22]
Russia (since 2024)[23]
Iran[24]
Ukraine[25]
Non-state opponents:
Houthi movement[26][27]
Hamas[28]
PDF[29]
Popular Resistance of Sudan
Al-Bara Battalion
AWB
SPLM-N (al-Hilu) (before 2025)
SLM (al-Nur)
SPLM-N (Agar)[30]
SLM (Tambour) (from 2023)[31]
Joint Darfur Force (from 2023)
JEM[32]
SLM (Minnawi)[10]
Battles and wars
Flag
Websiterapidsupportforce.com
Preceded by
Janjaweed

The Rapid Support Forces (RSF; Arabic: قوات الدعم السريع, romanized: Quwwāt ad-daʿm as-sarīʿ) are a Sudanese paramilitary force formerly operated by the government of Sudan.[33][34] Preceded by the Janjaweed militias used by the Sudanese government during the War in Darfur and restructured as a paramilitary organization in August 2013, the RSF later mobilized its forces against the Sudanese government in 2023, initiating the ongoing civil war in Sudan.

The RSF's stated ideology comprises Arab nationalism and anti-Islamism.[35][36][37][38] Often characterized by academics as Arab supremacist,[39] the group is known to have conducted racially motivated attacks against non-Arab ethnicities in Sudan, in some cases summarily executing thousands of unarmed civilians.[40][41][42] Apart from Sudan, RSF soldiers have also fought against the Houthi movement in the Yemeni civil war.[43][44][45]

The RSF has been administered by the National Intelligence and Security Service, while during military operations it has been commanded by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).[46] As of June 2019, the commander is General Hemedti (Muhamed Hamdan Dagalo).[47] During the Sudanese political crisis of 2019, the military junta that took control of the country employed the RSF to violently crack down on pro-democracy demonstrators.[47] Along with other security forces, RSF carried out the Khartoum massacre on 3 June 2019.[42][48][49][50]

On 15 April 2023, fighting broke out between the RSF and the SAF after the RSF mobilized its forces in cities across Sudan, including in Darfur.[51] The SAF has designated the RSF a rebel group. RSF forces are now in control of territory across Sudan, mostly in the south and west. The Rapid Support Forces announced the formation of a parallel Government of Peace and Unity to administer the areas of Sudan under their control on 15 April 2025.[52] Its actions in Darfur were deemed crimes against humanity by Human Rights Watch[53] and declared as genocide by the United States.[54] It has committed or been accused of continously engaging in several crimes on different parts of Sudan such as Darfur, Al-Fashir, South Kordofan, and Khartoum, these violations include burning villages,[53] ethnic killings,[55] rape, unlawful detention[56] of activists, repurposing hospitals as shields and massacring the people taking refuge in them,[57][58] forced conscription, and use of child soldiers.[59][60] Many of these violations constitute war crimes, and the RSF has been accused of a general policy of ethnic cleansing or even genocide.[55]

Background

RSF has its roots in the Janjaweed militias used by the Sudanese Government in its attempts to fight the anti-government insurgency during the War in Darfur. RSF was officially formed in 2013, following a restructuring and reactivation of Janjaweed militias in order to combat rebel groups in Darfur region, South Kordofan, and the Blue Nile states, following joint attacks by Sudanese Revolutionary Front rebels in North and South Kordofan in April 2013.[1]

Logo change

On 18 April 2023, the RSF removed the word "Quds" (Arabic: قدس), its Arabic acronym of (Arabic: قوات الدعم السريع, romanized: Quwwāt ad-daʿm as-sarīʿ; "Rapid Support Forces") from its official logo.[61] The revised version of the logo without the word "Quds"[62] was used in RSF's published statements, while the previous slogan remained on the RSF's Facebook and Twitter social media accounts. Prior to the logo change, the RSF described Hamas as a terrorist movement,[63] and Israel attempted to mediate between RSF and SAF in the current civil war in Sudan.[64]

  • The original logo, with the word "Quds" (Arabic: قدس) in the middle
    The original logo, with the word "Quds" (Arabic: قدس) in the middle
  • The logo used by RSF in its statements, the word "Quds" is absent from its centre
    The logo used by RSF in its statements, the word "Quds" is absent from its centre

Leadership and numbers

RSF is headed by Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo Musa ("Hemedti"), who has been its leader since it was created in August 2013.[65][47] As of September 2019, Hemedti's brother Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo is the deputy head of RSF.[1]

RSF was estimated by Human Rights Watch as having about 5,000–6,000 soldiers in February 2014 in Darfur.[53] In 2016–2017, RSF had 40,000 members participating in the Yemeni Civil War. In late October 2019, 10,000 had returned to Sudan.[66] In July 2019, about 1,000 RSF soldiers were present in Libya, during the Second Libyan Civil War, supporting the Libyan National Army commanded by Khalifa Haftar.[67]

According to Reuters, as of 2023, the paramilitary force has a personnel of over 100,000 servicemen.[5]

Role

Migration control

In addition to its role in Darfur, RSF is deployed to patrol the border with Libya and round up Eritrean and Ethiopian refugees in response to the Khartoum process, which is an initiative between European and African states, including Sudan, to stem the flow of migrants to Europe.[68]

Business interests

In November 2017, Hemedti used RSF to take over control of gold mines in the Darfur region, which led to him becoming one of the richest people in Sudan by 2019.[69] Hemedti's brother Abdul Rahim, deputy head of RSF, heads the Al Junaid (or Al Gunade) corporation involved in gold mining and trading in Sudan.[70]

In December 2019, a Global Witness investigation into RSF and Al Junaid argued that RSF and Al Junaid are closely linked in terms of financial transactions. Global Witness stated that "the RSF and [Al Junaid had] captured a swathe of the [Sudanese] gold industry and [were] likely using it to fund their operations." The General Manager of Al Junaid stated to Thomson Reuters that there were no close links between the two.[70]

RSF has two front companies called GSK, a Sudanese technology company, and Tradive General Trading LLC, a United Arab Emirates-based company, both controlled by Hemedti's brother Algoney Hamdan Dagalo.[70]

In April 2023, Al Jazeera reported that RSF had sought out Western public relations firms to burnish its image, including by editing Wikipedia pages.[71]

Former Sudanese government staffer Ahmed Ibrahim stated that during the war, the RSF aimed to “strip Sudan of its national resources” utilizing its long coast on the Red Sea.[72]

Foreign relations

Chad

See also: Chad–Sudan relations

The RSF maintains facilities in Amdjarass, Chad, including an airfield and hospital, used for logistical support and medical treatment. While Chad publicly denies supporting the RSF, reports indicate the UAE uses Chad to supply weapons to the RSF, and there are accusations from Sudan that Chad provides direct aid, like weapons and mercenaries.[73][74][75] Sudan has denied any ongoing diplomatic contacts with Chad to ease tensions over Khartoum’s accusations that N’Djamena is providing support to the paramilitary RSF.[76] Ethnic connections, particularly among Arab tribes, and poverty drive Chadian youth to join the RSF, adding to regional instability. This recruitment is a significant aspect of their relationship, often happening with or without formal government approval.[77]

Ethiopia

See also: Ethiopia–Sudan relations

Ethiopia’s relationship with the RSF is complex, with some evidence pointing to individual Ethiopian involvement. In January 2024, authorities in Gedaref State, Sudan, announced the arrest of six Ethiopian women accused of serving as snipers for the RSF, with reports indicating they had been operating within the group for over a year, leveraging sniping expertise gained in Ethiopia.[78] Ethiopia offers diplomatic backing to the RSF due to tensions with Egypt over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which aligns Ethiopia with actors opposing Egyptian interests.[79] Recently, Ethiopia has hosted peace initiatives, such as the February 2025 High-Level Humanitarian Conference for the People of Sudan in Addis Ababa, organized by the UAE and attended by the African Union and IGAD, despite criticism from Sudan’s government.

Libya

See also: Libya–Sudan relations

According to UN reports, the RSF's supply lines include through Libya, where it has procured landcruisers used in its military operations, and procures both oil and weapons, including artillery items and ammunition. RSF military leadership and troops have been recorded entering Libya, and have cooperated with brigades of the Libyan National Army in southern Libya, including salafist Zuwayya brigades allied to the LNA, despite the official closure of the border, ordered by the General Command of General Khalifa Haftar’s LNA.[80]

Kenya

See also: Kenya–Sudan relations

On June 15, 2025, Bellingcat published an investigation revealing Kenyan-labelled ammunition crates found in an RSF depot near Khartoum. These crates, containing 14.5×114mm API cartridges and 82mm HE Mortar Bomb Type PP87, bore labels indicating delivery to the Kenyan Ministry of Defence in 2023-2024. Videos and images, geolocated to Salha, Omdurman, and posted between May 19–21, 2025, showed SAF soldiers with these crates, following the SAF's regain of control on May 20, 2025.[81][82]

On June 24, 2025, the Sudanese government has called on Kenya to immediately cease any form of assistance to the Rapid Support Forces. In a separate statement on June 16, Government Spokesperson Mwaura dismissed Sudan’s allegations as “false and misleading,” maintaining that Nairobi’s engagement with the warring parties is strictly within the framework of the IGAD peace process.[83]

United Arab Emirates

See also: Sudan–United Arab Emirates relations

Gold mined in Sudan was sold and sent to Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, where RSF leader Hemedti kept most of his money.[84][85][86] In 2019, Global Witness reported that a document suggested that the RSF bought over 1,000 vehicles during the first six months of 2019 from dealers in the UAE. Most of the vehicles were Toyota pickup trucks which can be converted to technicals.[70] Dagalo met with Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan in February 2022.[87]

In June 2023, the UAE set a field hospital in Amdjarass, Chad with the stated goal of assisting Sudanese refugees. According to African officials, the hospital was treating wounded Rapid Support Forces fighters.[11] According to UN and American officials, the charity which was controlled by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed was also an effort to smuggle weapons to the RSF.[88] The UAE denied arming any side of the conflict. According to the New York Times, US intelligence intercepted multiple calls between Dagalo and Sheikh Mansour.[88] According to Sudanese diplomats, Hemedti’s closest ally in the Emirates is Sheikh Mansour.[84]

In November 2023, accusations from Sudanese military officials against the UAE alleged support to RSF led to a diplomatic freeze. This was followed in December 2023 with the explusion of diplomats between the two countries. However, gold shipments flowed freely from Sudan to Dubаi, with exports facing no obstacles and operating with official approval from Sudanese army administered Port Sudan. Political tensions didn't disrupt the lucrative trade. Atef Ahmed, the Secretary-General of the Goldsmiths Union, affirmed the ongoing flow of shipments to the UАЕ.[89]

In December 2023, a group of Democratic members of the US Congress called on the UAE to cease its backing of the RSF.[90]

In March 2024, Sudan's Permanent Representative to the UN, al-Harith Idriss wrote a letter to the United Nations Security Council requesting the condemnation of the UAE's alleged support to RSF in the war. The 78 page complaint alleged that the UAE planned and supported the RSF's aggression against Sudanese military with assistance from Chad.[91] He also stated that supplies including 1,200 four-wheel-drive vehicles, reached to the RSF militia from the UAE.[92] The UAE mission to the UN responded by claiming that the allegations made by al-Harith Idriss were false allegations designed to distract from the violations that are happening in Sudan and requested that the Sudanese army attend peace talks with the RSF in Jeddah which the Sudanese army has rejected to attend in May 2024.[93]

On 17 April 2024, the US envoy to Sudan, Tom Perriello said that the US is concerned about reports that the UAE is financially supporting RSF.[94]

In July 2024, a 41-page document sent to the UN security council claimed that four Emirati passports were recovered from a wrecked armored vehicle in Omdurman city. A source familiar with the discovery alleged to the The Guardian that they belonged to UAE intelligence officers. The UAE ambassador to the UN stated that the passports belonged to a delegation from a UAE-based humanitarian group called International Charity Organization that visited Sudan in May 2022 before the war started and that no photograph proof was provided to substantiate claims that they were seized from an armored vehicle.[95]

On 9 September 2024, HRW reported that the RSF newly obtained advanced foreign-made weapons and military equipment. On examination of photos and videos of weapons used in the conflict that were posted on social media, the rights group identified that companies registered in China, Iran, Russia, Serbia, and the UAE were associated with the weapons provided to RSF.[96] Human Rights Watch reviewed images of show crates with markings indicating they were manufactured in 2020 and initially acquired by the UAE Armed Forces in through a contract with Adasi, a subsidiary of UAE-based weapons manufacturer Edge Group. A January 2024 report by the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan deemed the UAE's alleged support to the RSF as "credible".[97]

On 11 October 2024, Sudan wrote a letter to the UNSC, calling for an urgent action against the UAE's "continuous aggressive activities". The letter contained new proof of the UAE providing military, financial, and logistical support to the RSF. It also included images of artillery ammunition boxes, as well as Dubai-based trucks used for transporting arms and ammunition, which were later seized by the SAF. Sudan alleged the UAE of hiring mercenaries to fight for the RSF, and presented evidence indicating that the militia fighters received medical treatment at Zayed Military Hospital in Abu Dhabi. The letter urged the Security Council to condemn and hold the UAE responsible for its involvement in the conflict, claiming that the Emirati actions are against international law and the UN system.[98]

In November 2024, Chris Van Hollen and Sara Jacobs filed a joint resolution of disapproval aimed at blocking arms sales to the UAE until it stops arming the RSF. The two U.S. lawmakers raised concerns about the government's decision to approve another weapons sale worth $1.2 billion to the UAE, while it is one of the primary foreign actors involved in intensifying the war in Sudan and warned that these arms could end up in the hands of the RSF.[99]

On 14 November 2024, an investigation by Amnesty International revealed that Nimr, which are produced by the EDGE Group in the UAE and consolidated with the French Galix System, were being used by the RSF in Sudan. Agnès Callamard called it a violation of the UN arms embargo imposed on Sudan, and urged France to ensure that Lacroix Defense and KNDS France, which designed the Galix system, to halt the supply of such systems to the UAE.[100]

In March 2025, top Democrat Gregory Meeks halted U.S. arms sales to the UAE due to its role in the Sudan war. He also introduced the "U.S. Engagement in Sudanese Peace Act", a bill that aimed to stop U.S. military aid to nations fueling the conflict. The bill also intended to impose sanctions on warring factions and allocating funds for a special envoy for Sudan.[101] On 11 March, other Democrats, including Chris Van Hollen and Sara Jacobs, also reintroduced their own separate legislation– the "Stand Up for Sudan Act". It aimed to block U.S. arms sales to the UAE under the Arms Export Control Act, until it stops supporting the RSF. Citing the UAE’s complicity in a genocide in Sudan, the lawmakers stated that America should not arm nations which are profiting from these atrocities.[102]

On 23 March 2025, senior Sudanese army commander Yasir al-Atta warned that the airports of N’Djamena and Amdjarass in Chad would be considered a legitimate military target, and criticized the UAE for supplying weapons to the RSF. Sudan claimed the UAE provided RSF Chinese-made “Long Wang 2” strategic drones in December 2024, which were used in attacks launched from Chad. Al-Atta claimed to take a retaliatory action against Chad President Mohamed Kaka and the “corrupt centres of influence” in South Sudan, that is, the UAE. Calling the UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed “the devil of Arabs”, al-Atta said to pursue the UAE, a major supporter of the war.[103]

In April 2025, Sudanese diaspora-led groups called for consumer boycotts, accusing the UAE of inciting the crisis in Sudan and complicity in genocide. Investigations by journalists, human rights organizations and the UN experts revealed that the UAE provided material support to the RSF in exchange for access to Sudan’s resources. In the same month, the Sudanese government filed a case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice, accusing it of breaching the Genocide Convention. Nas Al Sudan, an organization leading advocacy work and mutual aid campaigns, also accused the UAE of fueling the conflict by backing the RSF. Moreover, Activists Tasneem and Rania, associated with London for Sudan and Madaniya, alleged that the UAE exports most of its gold from Sudanese mines controlled by the militia.[104]

In August 2025, mercenaries from Colombia were identified inside the Zamzam camp in Darfur. Nearly 400 former Colombian soldiers were hired by an Emirati security company and deployed to the “Desert Wolves” battalion to fight for the RSF militias. The Spanish-speaking mercenaries were tricked to sign up for a job to guard oil facilities, but ended up as the front liners in the war.[105]

Russia (Wagner Group)

According to a report by Al Araby TV, there are allegations of a connection between the Wagner Group, a Russian paramilitary organization, and Hemedti. Leaked documents and sources reportedly indicate that the Wagner Group has provided training and equipment, including armored vehicles and helicopter gunships, to Hemedti's forces. The Russian company is alleged to have provided security services during Hemedti's visit to Russia in 2018.[106]

Hemedti's association with the Wagner Group may raise questions about his own involvement in human rights violations, particularly given his role in the crackdown on protesters during Sudan's 2019 revolution and as the founder of the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group accused of committing human rights abuses in Darfur and elsewhere in Sudan.[106] The Sudanese government has denied any connection to the Wagner Group, and the reports suggest that Hemedti may be using his position in the Sovereign Council to establish ties with the Russian company.[107] Both Hemedti and Sudan's military leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan had ties to the Putin regime in Russia. According to Business Insider, "The two generals helped Russian President Vladimir Putin exploit Sudan's gold resources to help buttress Russian finances against Western sanctions and fund his war in Ukraine."[108] The Wagner group reportedly has left Sudan as of early 2024, coinciding with talks between the Russian deputy foreign minister and the leader of the Sudanese government, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. [109] [110] Later the same year, Russia, along with Iran, began delivering weapons, jet components, fuel, and drones, to the Sudanese government in it's effort against the RSF, allowing the military to recapture parts of the capital, Khartoum, from the RSF.[111]

International civil wars

War in Darfur

Main article: War in Darfur
See also: International Criminal Court investigation in Darfur

During the War in Darfur, in 2014 and 2015, RSF "repeatedly attacked villages, burned and looted homes, beating, raping and executing villagers," aided by air and ground support from the Sudanese Armed Forces.[53] RSF executions and rapes typically took place in villages after rebels had left. The attacks were systematic enough to qualify as crimes against humanity according to Human Rights Watch.[53]

Yemeni Civil War

See also: Foreign relations of Yemen

RSF has participated in the Yemeni Civil War (2015–present), supporting the pro-Hadi forces. RSF and other Sudanese security forces, participating in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen alongside Saudi and Emirati forces,[43] have killed civilians and destroyed infrastructure, for which they are suspected of war crimes by Human Rights Watch.[112][113][114][115] Saudi Arabia organised and financed this involvement, which brought financial resources to the RSF.[116]

In 2016–2017, RSF had 40,000 members participating in the Yemeni Civil War. In October 2019, 10,000 had returned to Sudan.[66]

The RSF's activities in Yemen were multifaceted, focusing on military operations within the coalition's strategy. They supported efforts to create a buffer zone in northern Yemen, as reported by Jamestown Foundation.[117] They were a lead force in capturing northwestern provinces, particularly Hajjah governorate, and played a role in the strategic capture of Midi port in January 2017, believed to be a Houthi supply hub via maritime lines maintained by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Their deployment included ground operations, which faced tactical difficulties due to Yemen's mountainous terrain.

Second Libyan Civil War

Main article: Libyan civil war (2014–2020)

During the 2019 Western Libya offensive phase of the Second Libyan Civil War, in July 2019, about 1,000 RSF soldiers were present in Libya, supporting the Libyan National Army (LNA) commanded by Khalifa Haftar and based in Tobruk, which was fighting against the internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli.[67]

Sudanese civil war (2023–present)

Main article: Sudanese civil war (2023–present)
Map of Sudanese Civil War
Map of Sudanese Civil War (2023–present)
  Controlled by Sudanese Armed Forces and allies
  Controlled by Rapid Support Forces
  Controlled by SPLM-N (al-Hilu)
  Controlled by allied Rapid Support Forces and SPLM-N (al-Hilu)
  Controlled by SLM (al-Nur)

On 15 April 2023, fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and RSF broke out after RSF mobilised in cities across Sudan. Fighting was reported at the presidential palace and army headquarters.[118][119]

The conflict resulted in RSF being designated as a rebel group by the Sudanese Armed Forces. On the day of the clashes, which included the Battle of Khartoum, both sides claimed control over Khartoum and Merowe airports and other sites.[120]

On 17 April 2023, the United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken and RSF leader Hemedti held talks, and the latter agreed to a 24-hour armistice beginning on 18 April 2023 "to ensure the safe passage of civilians and the evacuation of the wounded".[121]

Another 72-hour nationwide ceasefire was announced to begin at midnight on 24 April 2023. The United States and Saudi Arabia had mediated the truce on humanitarian grounds. The fighting had caused the deaths of more than 500 people by 25 April 2023, and thousands were injured.[122] The Rapid Support Forces were supported by the Libyan militia leader Khalifa Haftar and the United Arab Emirates.[citation needed] Footage of thermobaric shells captured by the Sudanese military suggested that the weapons were supplied by the United Arab Emirates; Egypt had sent military support to the Sudanese army.[22][123] On 1 July 2024, the RSF took full control of Singa. This surge in violence caused many civilians to flee towards Gedaref in eastern Sudan. On 30 June 2024, the army[which?] also targeted 17th Infantry Division headquarters, General Intelligence Service (GIS) buildings, and the guesthouse[where?]. The RSF's dominance extended over the entire city, including the deserted headquarters of the Sudanese Army's 65th Brigade. The RSF also secured the Blue Nile Bridge, hinting at a possible expansion towards al-Dinder.[124]

The RSF has tried to re-employ officials from the pre-war civilian administration. But many civil servants have escaped both to avoid the fighting and having to work with RSF military personnel. This lack of effective RSF administration, alongside the complexity of Sudanese ethnic tensions and alliances shaped by the fighting, have seriously undermined Hemedti's ambition to transcend his warlord persona.[125]

A report by The Wall Street Journal revealed that mercenaries were becoming a tool for foreign actors like the UAE and Egypt for attaining a strategic advantage in the Sudan war. In November 2024, Colombian fighters were seized from Darfur and were later identified as recruits of an Abu Dhabi-based firm Global Security Services Group (GSSG). The military contractors were hired through a Colombia-registered recruitment firm, International Services Agency (A4SI). They were first taken to the UAE, then to Benghazi in Libya, and were finally deployed to Sudan. The Colombian recruits were "duped" to support the UAE's efforts in bolstering RSF's position in the war.[126]

In February 2025, RSF and its allies signed a charter in Nairobi, Kenya, to form a parallel "Government of Peace and Unity" to govern RSF-controlled areas, potentially splitting Sudan further.[127][128] On 21 March, SAF retook the presidential palace in Khartoum, which now stands as a symbolic victory against the RSF.[129] On 26 March, SAF declared Khartoum "free" from RSF, completing the drive-out after nearly two years of occupation.[130]

The RSF seized control of al-Fashir in October 2025.[131] The group conducted mass killings and massacres of civillians, known as the al-Fashir massacre.[132][131]

Human rights violations

Khartoum massacre

Further information: Khartoum massacre

During the dispersing of the peaceful sit-in in Khartoum, the Rapid Support Forces raped[133] dozens of women according to the testimonies of the victims.

RSF killed 100 protestors, injured 500, raped women and pillaged homes in the Khartoum massacre on 3 June 2019 during the 2018–19 Sudanese protests.[42][48][49] During the first day of Eid al-Fitr in Sudan, in June 2019, there were reports that RSF tied bricks of cement to the bodies of dead protestors to make them sink to the bottom of the Nile and never be found.[134][135][136][42] The Central Committee of Medical Doctors stated that more than 100 people had been killed.[137] On 6 June 2019, Kumi Naidoo, the head of Amnesty International, called for the "[immediate withdrawal of] all members of the Rapid Support Forces from policing and law enforcement anywhere in Sudan and especially in Khartoum".[137]

Al-Dalij

The Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors reported Janjaweed/RSF shooting dead nine people in the market of the village al-Dalij (or al-Delig) in Central Darfur on 10[138] or 11/12[139] June 2019. The massacre and the burning down of the market were interpreted by locals as a response to civil disobedience.[139]

Violations in Yemen war

In addition to the killings in Khartoum, other human rights violations during the 2018–19 crisis have been attributed to RSF, including the rape of 70 male and female protesters during the Khartoum massacre and the following days;[133][33] the targeting of peaceful sit-ins;[140] and attacks on hospitals.[140]

In December 2018, a New York Times report exposed that children were recruited by the militia and sent to fight in the frontline in the Yemen war.[141]

Violations during the 2023 Sudan Conflict

Main articles: War crimes during the war in Sudan (2023) and RSF atrocities in Khartoum
See also: Masalit massacres (2023–present)

During the 2023 Sudan conflict, the militia members have reportedly committed crimes such as looting of houses and evicting their residents,[142] sexual violence,[143] and repurposing[57] churches and hospitals as shields. In a report released on 28 July 2024, Human Rights Watch documented widespread acts of sexual violence, including gang rape and forced marriages, committed by RSF in Khartoum since the onset of the conflict. The 89-page report, titled "Khartoum is Not Safe for Women", highlighted the severe impact on women and girls. Both the RSF and SAF obstructed humanitarian aid, exacerbating the survivors' plight. Despite the clear evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, neither party took meaningful steps to prevent or investigate these abuses. Human Rights Watch called for urgent international intervention to protect civilians, support survivors, and hold perpetrators accountable.[144] The RSF has been trying to rehabilitate its image as a 'killer militia' by disciplining some of its fighters and building civil administrations. Few observers take these efforts seriously as atrocities committed by its fighters are so widely documented.[125]

In July 2023, authorities reported at least 88 cases of sexual assault on women across the country, most of them blamed on the RSF.[145] NGOs estimated that the figure could possibly reach 4,400.[146]

On 12 November 2024, the U.S. sanctioned RSF commander in East Darfur Abdel Rahman Juma Barkalla over serious human rights violations, including allegations of harm to civilians in conflict, sexual violence, and ethnically motivated attacks.[147]

On 7 January 2025, the U.S. government officially accused Sudan's Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of committing genocide and imposed sanctions on the group's leader, Hemedti. These sanctions, which include asset freezes and a travel ban, are intended to hold the RSF accountable for widespread violence, including ethnic killings, rape, and forced displacement. Additionally, seven RSF-owned companies based in the United Arab Emirates were also sanctioned.[148][55]

Capture of al-Fashir

Main articles: Al-Fashir massacre and Siege of al-Fashir

After an 18-month siege, in October 2025, RSF forces captured the city of al-Fashir, the largest city in the Darfur region. Reports indicated massacres of unarmed, non-Arab civilian communities and other large-scale atrocities. Systematic killings occurred, with the RSF torturing and shooting any civilians who attempted to leave. In October, they conducted systematic massacres of a major hospital.[149][58] Sudan Doctors Network and international researchers say RSF fighters killed unarmed people because of their ethnicity, carried out door-to-door raids and executions, and committed sexual violence against women and girls. A report analyzing satellite imagery from al-Fashir by Yale University's Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL) claimed that swaths of civilians had been killed in the Daraja Oula area. The HRL believe that "the actions by [the] RSF... may be consistent with war crimes and crimes against humanity (CAH) and may rise to the level of genocide.”[150] The RSF takeover has left an estimated over 2,000 civilians dead, sparked widespread ethnic violence, and deepened the humanitarian crisis. Arab states and human rights groups have condemned these actions.[151][149][152][153]

Other violations

According to multiple media reports, the Rapid Support Forces abused immigrants who are crossing Sudan to Europe.[154] A report by Human Rights Watch revealed the militia unlawfully detained dozens of citizens including political activists.[155]

Ranks

Commissioned officer ranks
Rank group General / flag officers Senior officers Junior officers
Sudanese Rapid Support Forces
فريق أول‎‎
Fariq 'awal 		فريق
Fariq 		لواء
Liwa 		عميد
Amid 		عقيد
Aqid 		مقدم
Muqaddam 		رائد
Ra'id 		نقيب
Naqib 		ملازم أول
Mulazim awwal 		ملازم
Mulazim

References

  1. ^ a b c "Sudan: Former President al-Bashir denied bail in corruption trial". Al Jazeera English. 7 September 2019. Archived from the original on 8 December 2019. Retrieved 11 December 2019.
  2. ^ Zaidan, Yasir (21 October 2025). "Ethno-mercenarism in Sudan's RSF and the Sahelian Arab Belt in Africa". Small Wars & Insurgencies.
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